The reorganisation of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference into the National Conference in 1938 did not mark the end of the original organisation; instead, it marked the beginning of a new phase. A significant section of its leadership and membership, especially from Jammu province, chose to retain the old platform. In the years that followed, the Muslim Conference continued to function as a distinct political organisation with its own constituency, priorities, and understanding of the state’s political future. Its presence provided the necessary balance for analysing the full political spectrum of Jammu and Kashmir in the 1940s.

The most important figure in this new phase was Chowdhary Ghulam Abbas, a respected lawyer and orator from Jammu who became the undisputed leader of the Muslim Conference after the split. Abbas carried significant credibility among sections of Jammu’s Muslim population, especially in the Mirpur, Poonch, Bhaderwah, and Doda regions. His political style differed from that of Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah: while Abdullah relied on mass mobilisation in the Valley, Abbas worked through regional networks, community organisations, and district-level committees. His approach was organisational rather than agitational, and his speeches emphasised rights, representation, and administrative fairness.

The party’s base remained strongest in Jammu province, where socio-economic conditions differed from those of the Kashmir Valley. Muslims in districts such as Mirpur and Poonch were relatively better represented in agriculture, trade, and local administration, yet they shared long-standing concerns over representation in higher services and decision-making positions. The Muslim Conference articulated these regional grievances and translated them into constitutional demands, particularly during Praja Sabha sessions and in memoranda addressed to the state government.

In the Valley, the Muslim Conference retained pockets of support, particularly among families and clerical networks aligned with traditional religious leadership. However, its organisational strength remained modest compared to the National Conference. Its political vocabulary focused less on secular nationalism and more on socio-economic rights framed through community representation, though it consistently worked within the constitutional framework of the princely state.

The party’s grievances and platforms were shaped by three broad themes.

First, a call for proportional representation in government service, education, and the legislative process. The Muslim Conference argued that Muslims, being the demographic majority, were entitled to fairer participation in administration — a view supported by data from the 1931 and 1941 censuses.

Second, a demand for accelerated administrative reform, particularly in revenue and judicial matters. In rural regions of Jammu, petitions often highlighted land settlement issues, taxation, and infrastructural neglect.

Third, the party sought clear constitutional safeguards within any future arrangement between the state, the British Crown, and emerging Indian political structures. This position made the party’s leadership attentive to debates in the Chamber of Princes, the Cabinet Mission proposals, and discussions about the future of princely states.

The Muslim Conference maintained cordial, though at times cautious, communication with the Maharaja’s administration. While it criticised aspects of Dogra governance, it continued to engage through deputations, memoranda, and participation in the Praja Sabha. Its relationship with the British Residency was formal; the party often submitted detailed representations to the Resident, especially on matters linked to constitutional reform and political rights.

By the mid-1940s, the Muslim Conference had consolidated itself as the principal alternative to the National Conference. It represented a different reading of the state’s political landscape — one rooted in the specific experience of Jammu’s Muslims, cautious of Valley-centric mass politics, and attentive to constitutional pathways. Its presence ensured that political debates in Jammu and Kashmir did not move in a single direction. Together with the National Conference, it constituted the two major poles of political life in the crucial decade before 1947.

Selected Sources and Archival References

• Proceedings and resolutions of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference (1938–1946)
• India Office Records: Kashmir Political Files, “Muslim Conference Correspondence”
• Praja Sabha Debates (1938–1945)
• Contemporary Urdu press from Jammu, Srinagar, Mirpur and Lahore
• P. N. K. Bamzai, A History of Kashmir
• Mohammad Ishaq Khan, History of Srinagar, 1846–1947